Anarchism may be the most misunderstood political ideology of the modern era, and one of the leas... more Anarchism may be the most misunderstood political ideology of the modern era, and one of the least studied social movements by English-speaking scholars. Black Flags and Social Movements addresses this deficit with an in-depth analysis of contemporary anarchist movements as interpreted by social movement theories and political sociology. Using unique data gathered by anarchists themselves, Williams presents longitudinal and international analyses that focus upon who anarchists are, and where they may be found.
Social movement ideas including political opportunity, new social movements, and social capital theory, are relevant and adaptable to understanding anarchist movements. Due to their sometimes limited numbers and identities as radical anti-authoritarians, anarchists often find themselves collaborating with numerous other social movements, bringing along their values, ideas and tactics.
Anarchy and Society explores the many ways in which the discipline of Sociology and the philosoph... more Anarchy and Society explores the many ways in which the discipline of Sociology and the philosophy of anarchism are compatible. The book constructs possible parameters for a future ‘anarchist sociology’, by a sociological exposition of major anarchist thinkers (including Kropotkin, Proudhon, Landauer, Goldman, and Ward), as well as an anarchist interrogation of key sociological concepts (including social norms, inequality, and social movements). Sociology and anarchism share many common interests—although often interpreting each in divergent ways—including community, solidarity, feminism, crime and restorative justice, and social domination. The synthesis proposed by Anarchy and Society is reflexive, critical, and strongly anchored in both traditions.
The gap between predicted and actual outcomes-following a university's removal of their controver... more The gap between predicted and actual outcomes-following a university's removal of their controversial Native American nickname-may be rather wide. This study investigates what alumni threaten or promise to do upon a potential school nickname change, and what actual actions result once change does occur. The University of North Dakota's (UND) "Fighting Sioux" nickname serves as a notable case study, from its heightened controversy in the 1990s through its ultimate removal in 2011. Two UND data sources are analyzed-alumni survey responses collected a decade prior to the change and financial donation figures from the university's alumni association-to assess alumni attitudes and actions, respectively. Less than one-quarter threatened to punish UND by reducing their donations if the nickname was removed, while very few claimed they would instead reward the university with increased donations. However, there is little evidence of permanent consequences resulting from the nickname's change; in fact, post-change contributions were slightly-albeit insignificantly-higher. Consequently, alumni expressions of attitudinal loyalty (expressions of support) toward the university was contingent upon nickname retention, while behavioral loyalty (actions in support) appeared unrelated to nickname change. These findings suggest two practical cautions for stakeholders: (1) for university administrators who fear hardline alumni threats may threaten budgetary stability, despite a lack of follow-through on such threats, and (2) for Native American nickname removal advocates of the importance to transcend debates which center the importance of alumni financial support.
Native American imagery and symbols--as logos, mascots, and nicknames--have been commonplace in A... more Native American imagery and symbols--as logos, mascots, and nicknames--have been commonplace in American sports since the early-twentieth century. This review presents scholarship on this practice at the intersection between the sociology of sports, race/ethnicity, higher education, politics, and social movements, as well as other relevant social sciences. Scholarship has emphasized this imagery's social origins, public opinion, social psychology, and socio-political trends in the conflict over and often elimination of such symbols. As a disproportionately American practice, Indigenous imagery in sports is linked to the history of settler-colonialism, racialization, and corporate capitalism, and is found throughout all levels of sports (high schools, colleges and universities, and professional). After the US West's frontier closure, and during the height of Jim Crow and racial lynchings, many educational institutions adopted Indigenous imagery-motivated by a masculinity crisis and American myth-making as a settler-colonialist society. Sociological scholarship has used many methodological approaches, but has emphasized public opinion of the practice, using surveys to predict support for symbols, comparing racial differences, and criticizing how some surveys purportedly offer "support" to the practice via unreliable, non-representative survey techniques. Social psychological studies has explored both the motivations for support and the consequences for the practice, giving particular attention to the impact on Indigenous people (especially Indigenous youth's self-esteem), in contrast to evidence of improved white self-efficacy. The long-standing conflicts generated by the practice date back to the 1960s with the National Congress of American Indians and 1970s' "red power" movements, specifically the American Indian Movement. These conflicts have pitted institutional actors (e.g., school administrators and team owners) and sports fans against movements for Indigenous autonomy and anti-racism. Conflicts have involved widespread resistance from sports fans and alumni, against various waves of racial justice mobilizations. Decolonization efforts have aimed to achieve Indigenous self-determination, the right to evade psychological disparagement in the face of both physical and cultural genocide, and to instead be empowered by ownership of their own cultural identity. While most universities and some professional sports teams have ended this practice, many have not--especially at the primary and secondary education levels. Thus, this research continues to occur within an active period of changing practices, and aims to respond to both evolving conditions and new scholarly questions.
's civil sphere theory makes a significant contribution to understanding how people, especially s... more 's civil sphere theory makes a significant contribution to understanding how people, especially social movements, relate to society's various institutions. Radicalism challenges the long-term stability of the civil sphere and pushes it to be more open. While capitalism and the state are considered to be uncivil institutions, the civil sphere typically tolerates their existence and negotiates with them. But, what of radical, non-state and antiauthoritarian movements that seek the abolition of all hierarchiescan they join the existing civil sphere or replace it with their own vision? This paper uses three cases studies-the Haymarket Affair, the Spanish Revolution, and Seattle's anti-World Trade Organization protests-to interrogate non-state, anti-authoritarian, and anarchist interpretations of civil society. These cases suggest compatibilities and divergences with civil sphere theory, complicating its interpretation of violence and militancy, civil order breaching, nonstate or extra-state scope, and internationalism.
Genealogy necessitates historical records, the majority of which derive from government sources, ... more Genealogy necessitates historical records, the majority of which derive from government sources, despite families' "private" lives. State records weren't intended to service future family historians, but were a means to state-formation and power. Consequently, records used by family historians reflect statist concerns, not state subjects'. Genealogy databases and censuses were analyzed to determine how many derive from state sources. An individual, anecdotal example focused upon a US Census record illuminates genealogical insight and misunderstanding; despite relevance, interpretation problems confront family historians. Genealogical research is limited by modernity's governmentality and the state gaze, impacts generally under-acknowledged by the average family historian.
International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 2023
This article tests the general explanatory power of political opportunity theory for cross-nation... more This article tests the general explanatory power of political opportunity theory for cross-national variations in protest throughout the world, and considers how opportunities influence individual-level characteristics crucial for coalition-formation and campaigns. This study constructs a multilevel model of protest potential, using survey data from individuals across 43 countries, drawn from the fifth and sixth waves of the World Values Survey, combined with political, economic, and cultural factors measured for each country. While many individual factors predicted individuals' protest potential, a mixture of country-level factors-including select political opportunities-are of general importance. Country-level regime durability and empowerment rights moderated the effect of organization membership, social trust, and political ideology on protest, demonstrating how political opportunity interacts to enhance the impact of individual characteristics relevant to coalition-building and campaigns.
Anarchism's formal influence upon the discipline of sociology has been negligible. To understand ... more Anarchism's formal influence upon the discipline of sociology has been negligible. To understand why, this paper begins by considering the impact of two other movements-Marxism and feminism-within sociology. Notably, the nature of academia and scholarly disciplines, anarchism's shortcomings, and the deliberate exclusion of anarchist voices all appear to have likely influenced anarchism's limited presence in sociology. There have been numerous other ideological sub-variants and traditions-including applied, critical, humanist, liberation, and public sociologies-that have grown within the discipline. Each of these is analysed for their compatibility with anarchism. Finally, due to the lack of an already-existing anarchist-sociology tradition, the broad outlines of such an orientation and praxis are sketched-out, paying attention to issues of scope, purpose, and practice.
While world-systems anti-systemic movement scholarship has briefly acknowledged the existence of ... more While world-systems anti-systemic movement scholarship has briefly acknowledged the existence of anti-state "cultural" movements-namely, autonomous indigenous movements in the periphery and anarchist worker movements in the core and semi-periphery-it relegates them to secondary importance to statist "political" movements. In this paper, we provide an intervention in the world-systems anti-systemic movements literature by centering anti-state movements in our analysis. In order to investigate the mechanisms essential for anti-state, antisystemic movements over the longue durée of the world-system, we operationalize a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) using nine cases of non-state spaces from different geographies and historical time periods throughout the world-system. We use a Boolean crisp set, or binary approach, denoting the presence, or absence of factors to determine the pathways that lead to the variation between explicitly anarchist and implicitly anarchistic movements as well as short-term or long-term non-state spaces established by anti-state movements. We find that the core and semi-periphery classification of anarchist movements is false. We also find that non-state spaces succeed when they are not repressed by statist anti-systemic movements or core imperial nation-states. In effect, the anti-systemic political actor replicates the logic of the core nation-state it claims to be opposed to when it comes to its repression of non-state spaces and movements. Prior to the "liberal geoculture" (1848-1968), even core states had difficulty repressing non-state spaces, and after the liberal geoculture semi-periphery and periphery states have had difficulty repressing non-state spaces.
When it comes to the American state, violence and control occur at a level beyond most of the US&... more When it comes to the American state, violence and control occur at a level beyond most of the US's state competitors. While perhaps uncomfortable for the average American to reflect upon, the following are simply uncontroversial facts: for example, despite purporting to be the freest country, the US has the world's highest incarceration rate, with over 2.1 million people locked up. Presently, one-quarter of the world's prisoners are imprisoned in the US. Not all groups share equally in this incarceration, as Black males have the highest rate of any comparable group. The US has over 800 foreign military bases located in over 80 countries around the world, a greater number than any other nation, people, or empire in world history—including the Roman and British Empires. The Pentagon has stationed US troops in approximately 160 countries and territories, resulting in the US literally occupying most of the planet. Thus, it is no surprise that the US spends the same amount of...
Os movimentos sociais de justiça racial geralmente se fragmentam quando seus objetivos não parece... more Os movimentos sociais de justiça racial geralmente se fragmentam quando seus objetivos não parecem completamente alcançáveis. Ex-participantes das lutas radicais pela libertação negra (Black freedom) das décadas de 1960 e 1970, em sua maioria membros do Partido dos Panteras Negras (BPP) (também participantes do Black Liberation Army [Exército Negro de Libertação]) e associados com o Marxismo-Leninismo, ficaram descontentes com o caráter hierárquico dos Panteras Negras e passaram a se identificar com o anarquismo. Através das lentes de teorias de faccionalização radical, o Anarquismo Negro é visto como uma consequência radical da luta pela liberdade negra. Os anarquistas negros foram os primeiros a notavelmente priorizar uma análise racial no anarquismo estadunidense. Essa tendência apresenta várias manifestações contemporâneas do anarquismo, incluindo os grupos Pessoas de cor anarquistas (Anarchist People of Color) dentro do movimento e, mais indiretamente, as muitas estratégias e organizações anarquistas que compartilham semelhanças com o BPP, antes de sua centralização.
The Cost of Free Shipping: Amazon in the Global Economy, 2020
Amazon.com exemplifies modern capitalism’s ethos of market dominance through digital technology. ... more Amazon.com exemplifies modern capitalism’s ethos of market dominance through digital technology. Amazon’s one primary objective: making as much profit as possible. To achieve this goal, Amazon uses multiple, common strategies: monopolistic practices and increasing market-share, vertical integration, political lobbying, and tax avoidance. This chapter explores the extent of Amazon’s market dominance—nearly half of all e-commerce purchases and more than 5 percent of all retail sales—and its consequences. Click consumerism and addictive purchasing through Amazon.com and third-party sellers, now so ubiquitous online, has been Amazon’s pioneering achievement. Amazon has also normalized a culture of surveillance as service, on behalf of governments and corporations; customer data is sold to third-parties and the Echo tool listens to all home conversations. The Rekognition platform provides facial recognition for clients, including law enforcement, despite threats to privacy and common misidentifications. In the process, Amazon has empowered state hierarchies, such as ICE, CIA, and, potentially, the DoD, providing efficient computing power via Amazon Web Services. Amazon is not conceptually unique within corporate America, just fundamentally unique in scale and capacity, exemplary of an unregulated economic system that facilitates monopolies, addicts and spies on consumers, and reinforces hierarchies generally.
Race & Ethnicity: The Sociological Mindful Approach, 2021
Visitors to the American south are often surprised by how commonplace Confederate culture is, whi... more Visitors to the American south are often surprised by how commonplace Confederate culture is, while southern residents tend to view it as normal and rarely challenge it publicly. We wanted to understand why southerners keep supporting Confederate culture, in particular why people attend Civil War reenactment events. We discovered that local symbols are very important to people and they will fight adamantly to preserve their versions of history. In order to share our exploration of this issue, we made a documentary—to both help others understand it as well as to provoke critical thinking. We conducted dozens of interviews, did our own historical research, and then edited a film we called Southern Discomfort. Anyone can do local research where they live; given the US’s highly racialized history, it is easy to find and explore historical race atrocities. Conducting this kind of “people’s history” is important, because such projects are personal to us and immediate in their contemporary impact, as they connect the past to the present.
Objective. Propose a conceptualization of trust that acknowledges varying levels of power between... more Objective. Propose a conceptualization of trust that acknowledges varying levels of power between trusting partners. The weak, positive statistical correlation between social and political trust conceals very different experiences of trust. While many people possess either high or low levels of both forms of trust, others have divergent levels of the two forms of trust. Present a simple typology of sociopolitical trust that categorizes individuals as trusters, distrusters, hierarchicalists, and horizon-talists. Methods. Exploratory analysis of United States using the World Values Survey. Multivariate analysis of sociopolitical trust's effect upon protest and voting. Results. Americans have low levels of political trust and higher levels of social trust. Protesters possess social trust and political distrust, and voters are both social and political trusters. Conclusion. The combination of social trust and political trust impacts public participation preferences. Protesters embody a libertarian-socialist orientation toward sociopolitical trust, while voters possess a social-democrat orientation.
The Journal of Public and Professional Sociology, 2019
As nation states equivocate over meaningful climate change agreements, hundreds of cities worldwi... more As nation states equivocate over meaningful climate change agreements, hundreds of cities worldwide and in the US have joined together to promote climate change policies and actions. Many US cities have taken a leadership role in promoting ameliorative public policy and best practices, overcoming significant disincentives for doing so, particularly low levels of public salience and unreliable federal support and resources. Several of these evolving networks are now in existence, including the United States Conference of Mayors Climate Protection Agreement. The US Conference of Mayors plays a significant role in facilitating best practices as well as recognizing cities on the vanguard of climate leadership. Research to date has examined the factors explaining metropolitan climate activism, including such factors as potential climate risk, the influence of carbon intensive industries at the local level, and the role of community environmental capital. Less understood is the role that state-level energy policy context and socio-political factors play influencing metropolitan climate activism. This research underscores the significance of political partisanship, both in terms of state environmental politics and state-wide Democratic voting record, for understanding metropolitan climate activism.
Tactics are the techniques and actions used by social movements that implement strategies for the... more Tactics are the techniques and actions used by social movements that implement strategies for the purpose of achieving goals. For anarchist movements, tactics can assume a reactive, diagnostic, or destructive force for opposing hierarchy, repression, and inequality. Tactics can also assume a proactive, prognostic, or creative force that promotes horizontalism, liberation, and egalitarianism. The purpose of these tactics is twofold: intervening in society to immediately accomplish goals (also called ‘direct action’) and illustrating a vision for a better world (also called ‘prefiguration’). Anarchist movements commonly have a protest repertoire that they regularly draw from, deploying one tactic or another from their ‘toolkit’, the choice of which depends on changing external conditions, participant interests, and coalition alliances. Tactics and other organisational forms are never imposed by anarchists upon others and thus must spread horizontally. Usually a combination of word-of-mouth, movement press, and stories of first-hand experiences help to diffuse these tactics from one location to another.
Most leisure research does not consider collective action and social change, while most social mo... more Most leisure research does not consider collective action and social change, while most social movement research overlooks carnivality and spontaneity. A counterexample is the alternative bicycling movement critical mass (CM), a rebellious, liberatory leisure and cultural event. CM is goal-oriented and a libidinal expression of participant desire. This paper investigates CM's production of happiness and freedom via three heterodox theories. Ecstatic rituals are repetitive, cathartic collective events that people engage in to express joy and flaunt convention. Political theories of play interpret individual's physically embodied , creative, and performative actions. Temporary autonomous zones are spatial locations of resistance to authority that evade state detection and suppression. CM – unlike standard bike races or conventional movement protest – transcends the limitations of physical exercise, lackadaisical leisure, and militant direct action. Instead it is a hybrid form of collective action, combining premeditated ritual, rebellious play, and mobile freedom-seeking.
Although the period of highest activity for anarchist movements peaked in the early 1900s, such m... more Although the period of highest activity for anarchist movements peaked in the early 1900s, such movement continues in the present. Contemporary antiauthoritarian movements are a product of the 1960s and New Left, as well as the USSR's demise. Antiauthoritarian movements are either explicitly anarchist or implicitly anarchist (thus, simply “anti-authoritarian,” “autonomist,” or “libertarian‐socialist”). Anarchist identity is diverse, although anchored around an opposition to dominant culture, institutions, and hierarchical norms. The values and goals pursued revolve around a principled adoption of horizontalism, direct action, antiauthoritarianism, decentralization, anticapitalism, and mutual aid. These anarchist movements are unique movements, yet they also run parallel to certain movements—in both the adoption of anarchist strategies and membership overlap—such as antifascist, global justice, and squatter movements. Confrontational and playful street tactics combine with strategies of reclamation of radically egalitarian space, in opposition to hierarchical society. Despite their association with violence, contemporary anarchist movements are fairly nonviolent; however, many anarchists do not disavow the selective use of violence. Thus, massive efforts of social control through police and mass media attempt to moderate, disrupt, and suppress anarchist movements.
This paper explores how incorporating localized historical acts of racial injustice into Sociolog... more This paper explores how incorporating localized historical acts of racial injustice into Sociology courses can have a variety of pedagogical and social impacts. The use of one such event, the 1918 lynching of 13 people in South Georgia, led to the formation of the Mary Turner Project (MTP). We document the organization's work as well as its impact on students and the region, as seen through the lens of public sociology. The MTP installed an official road marker to memorialize the lynching, intervened in a campus controversy involving the Confederate flag, hosted numerous commemoration events, and did classroom-based research and hosted community discussions on lynching and slavery in the local area. Drawing from organizational documents, the paper explores how 'digging up the past' and the experience of the MTP may serve as a model for critical sociologists who teach courses on social inequalities and want to make those courses more applicable to people's every day lived experience.
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Books by Dana Williams
Social movement ideas including political opportunity, new social movements, and social capital theory, are relevant and adaptable to understanding anarchist movements. Due to their sometimes limited numbers and identities as radical anti-authoritarians, anarchists often find themselves collaborating with numerous other social movements, bringing along their values, ideas and tactics.
Papers by Dana Williams